Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 38

Highway and railway bridges between Hankou and Hanyang are already being designed and under construction, and the site selection for a bridge across the Yangtze River is also underway. However, the benefits of urban development should not belong to a minority, but to all citizens. If the benefits of the land were given to some of you, would you still use the land's premium to build public facilities?

This rhetorical question silenced many businessmen. Of course, they'd spend their money themselves; why would they use it to build a Yangtze River bridge, unless the bridge itself charged them a toll? Seeing everyone completely quiet, Tian Junyi continued, "Of course, private capital is welcome in urban development, so the Governor's Office has decided to offer a portion of land for cooperation with you all."

We will be responsible for road construction and the installation of water and electricity. As long as you invest in the properties designated by the Governor's Office, we will provide the land for you to build factories at no or low rent. As for commercial land, if your investment reaches a certain scale, we can sign a lease agreement for a certain number of years, after which the buildings and land will revert to state ownership…”

Chapter 129 Changes in Situation

The symposium convened by Tian Junyi on behalf of the Governor-General's Office, which brought together the business community in Hankou, was a great success. This was because the Governor-General's Office's suggestions for investing in industry did not place all the risks on the businessmen, but rather provided them with tangible assistance.

Of course, this assistance also requires the signing of contracts. After these enterprises are established, they must accept the industrial guidance provided by the Economic Development and Urban Construction Committee. This guidance includes the procurement of raw materials and the pricing of industrial products. Although the enterprises have much less autonomy, the businessmen have also seen the benefits: they only need to be responsible for production to make a profit, while the procurement of raw materials, transportation, and product sales become the responsibility of the committee.

While this cooperative approach doesn't allow them to reap excessive profits, it avoids the risks of investing in real industries. Many businesspeople are well aware that investing in real industries is definitely profitable, because 80% of the goods on the Wuhan market are imported, and local specialties and handicrafts are relatively few in number.

Wuhan is already considered one of China's larger industrial and commercial cities, but almost all the goods on the market are foreign products; one can imagine the situation in other regions. These Wuhan businessmen have realized that if these goods could be produced domestically, they wouldn't need to import them at such high cost. However, investing in manufacturing is indeed a major hurdle for traditional businessmen, as they lack understanding of production methods and the technical talent to oversee factory production.

Even a high-ranking official like Zhang Zhidong, who held a powerful position in the Qing Dynasty, could be taken advantage of by foreigners without any remorse, let alone ordinary people like them. Even those who served as compradors for foreigners had to carefully weigh the pros and cons of investing in industry, and they dared not completely trust their bosses.

However, in the past year, Tian Junyi first completed the construction of Zhanggongdi, then completed the renovation of Huangshi and Hanyang two ore wharves, and began the technical transformation of Hanyeping Company and the construction of Hankou city and Hanshui Bridge.

It can be said that Tian Junyi has become an absolute strongman in the eyes of Hankou merchants. Even the Germans and British have maintained sufficient respect for this leader of the economic construction of Huguang, and are willing to communicate with the Governor-General's Office through Tian Junyi on many matters.

Tian Junyi offered to guarantee and help them solve problems related to technology, talent, raw materials, and sales for investing in real businesses, essentially allowing them to easily sit at home and wait for money. Therefore, the industrialists and merchants of Hankou quickly became enthusiastic about Tian Junyi, trying to obtain better treatment from him. Some merchants involved in the opium trade, after hearing this speech, also developed an interest in investing in real businesses and prepared to switch to legitimate trade.

Tian Junyi's actions naturally did not escape the notice of the Germans. Wilhelm Siemens was merely quite interested in Tian Junyi's methods of utilizing businessmen's funds, but did not harbor any further thoughts. On the other hand, Franz Krupp, after successfully extricating himself from his scandal following the instigation of the Franco-German war crisis, gradually recovered his spirits. Upon witnessing Tian Junyi's actions, he couldn't help but comment to his secretary: "Tian is not building a city, but establishing a super conglomerate. If he succeeds, then anyone entering this market will have to obtain his approval first."

Artoni Cohen said with considerable concern, "So should we still support him? If he succeeds, Krupp will probably be one of the victims as well."

After a moment's thought, Franz Krupp said, "There's no need for that. Without the support and protection of a nation, an individual's strength is insufficient to accomplish it. But even if he fails, this supercontinent will leave a substantial legacy. If he sides with us, Krupp will have a truly Chinese company. Ask Tian when he's available; I think it's time to thank him and his friends. Krupp isn't an ungrateful man..."

Artoni Cohen could understand Mr. Krupp's feelings. Anyone who is saved from the brink of disaster would feel grateful. If such an action hadn't been taken, who would have been willing to lend a helping hand the next time Krupp faced a crisis?

Tian Junyi accepted Krupp's invitation, and the two met in the courtyard. After observing Krupp's complexion, Tian Junyi smiled and said, "It seems you've had a good rest these past few days. Did you really resolve the problem?"

Krupp nodded to Tian Junyi and said, "Although a little bit of loose ends have been left, they are no longer of any importance. I plan to build a villa in Hankou, but the best locations in the German Concession have all been taken by Siemens. I wonder if you could give me a piece of land?"

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi said, "The Governor-General's Office has decided that all land will only be leased, not sold. The Governor-General's Office has refused all requests from various countries to build a racecourse in the north. I cannot give you any special treatment on this issue."

Alternatively, you can lease a plot of land for 60 or 90 years. We won't charge you rent; you can simply return the building at the end of the term as rent. It's located to the north, in an area where various countries want to build racetracks. We plan to build a park there, and you can choose a plot of land next to the park.

Krupp thought for a moment and said, "Alright, after I've seen the place, I'll have Cohen come and sign the contract with you. Also, Cohen."

Artoni Cohen immediately pulled a deposit slip from his pocket and placed it on the small round table between the two men. Krupp pushed the slip towards Tian Junyi and said, "This is an account opened at Dehua Bank. You can withdraw money with this slip. Please give it to your friend. Also, please ask him if he would be willing to serve as an advisor to the Krupp family. After this incident, I feel that the Krupp family needs an advisor who can handle public opinion. He can make any requests he has."

Tian Junyi looked at Krupp and hesitated for a moment before saying, "I can pass it on to him for you, but I cannot guarantee whether he will accept the Krupp family's invitation."

Krupp said nonchalantly, "It's alright, this invitation is valid indefinitely. If he doesn't want to, then being Krupp's friend is the same. If he encounters any trouble, I hope to continue to get some advice from him."

"Furthermore, I can congratulate you in advance. The Russians have decided to back down, and the redemption of the Luhan Railway is no longer a problem. The Belgians want their invested capital plus interest losses. I suggest you agree to their offer, so that we can take over the construction of the Luhan Railway."

Suppressing his excitement, Tian Junyi said, "I will report back to His Excellency the Governor and reach an agreement with the Belgians as soon as possible."

Krupp continued, "His Majesty the Emperor has also agreed to allow the Berlin Military Academy to accept the military personnel sent by Huguang. The official notification will be sent to His Excellency the Governor-General soon. In addition, Mr. Tian, ​​do you have any personal wishes? I would like to express my gratitude to you."

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi shook his head and said, "I only have one personal wish: if Krupp can keep his promise and truly pass on the steelmaking technology to us, then I have nothing more to ask for."

Krupp stared at Tian Junyi for a while before changing the subject. After discussing the collaborative project for over an hour, Krupp personally saw Tian Junyi to the door. Standing there, watching the carriage Tian Junyi had ridden away, he pondered for a moment before turning to his personal secretary and saying, "Artoni, re-examine the agreement signed with the Chinese, review it as a commercial contract. I don't want to end up being kicked out of China..."

As Krupp began to regain its vitality, Japanese Foreign Minister Kato handed over a memorandum provided by the British to Prime Minister Ito. After reading the memorandum, Ito said to Kato, "The terms offered by the British are indeed very generous, but it is not the time to sign the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Europe is at risk of being drawn into war, and we cannot allow the British to dominate our diplomacy. Of course, the alliance with China can continue to be pursued to ensure that Russia cannot have a friend in the East, which is beneficial to Japan."

Kato could no longer insist on the demands of the Foreign Ministry bureaucrats, because no one had expected that a mere verbal argument would lead to war between the Germans and the French. At this juncture, an alliance with Britain was clearly not a good idea. If Britain, France, and Russia intended to join forces against the alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, how could Japan then claim its rights in Manchuria from Russia?

The shifting diplomatic landscape in Europe dealt Japanese diplomats a blow that went beyond this. Previously, Japanese diplomats generally believed that a foolish war would not break out between the European powers, as they already dominated the world and had no reason to embroil themselves in a war that would destroy their world dominance.

Based on this assessment, Japanese diplomats believed that Japan should break away from Asia and join Europe, which essentially meant breaking away from its colonial past and becoming one of the imperialist powers. To achieve this goal, Japan should stand with white people; for example, the conflict between Japan and Russia was a war between white people, and people of Asian descent like China and Korea should not be involved.

This absurd theory even gained support from some military personnel. However, after the navy changed its course and the army expanded its objectives in the war against Russia, Manchuria was no longer Japan's primary strategic goal. Driving Russian forces west of Lake Baikal or having the navy stationed in the South Pacific islands became Japan's primary strategic goal. Manchuria was a backup plan if the above two goals could not be achieved.

To achieve its primary strategic objective, an alliance with China became a possible option. However, the army remained opposed to an alliance with South Korea, with only the navy and figures like Ito supporting it. Caught in this complex situation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was completely disoriented and unable to formulate its own opinion, ultimately forced to follow Ito's lead.

After obtaining authorization from the cabinet, the Chinese ambassador to Qing, Komura Jutarō, once again visited Ronglu's residence. This Qing ruler, who succeeded Li Hongzhang, was also old and ailing, much like the Qing Dynasty itself, and was visibly senile.

In Ronglu's living room, Komura Jutarō addressed the gaunt-faced Ronglu in fluent Chinese: "Lord Rong, if China remains unwilling to ally with Japan against Russia, then our only option is to seek a compromise with Russia, exchanging Manchuria for mutual recognition of Korea. At that point, there will be no longer any friendship between Japan and China..."

Ronglu listened to Minister Komura's words almost without uttering a word. After Komura left, he pondered for several days before finally sending a memorial to the palace, detailing the advantages of a Sino-Japanese alliance. He argued that the Qing Dynasty alone could not protect Manchuria; if Japan withdrew, the Qing would lose not only Manchuria, but also Inner and Outer Mongolia, which would also become prey for Russia. After much deliberation, Empress Dowager Cixi finally agreed to allow Ronglu and Komura to sign a Sino-Japanese agreement to protect Manchuria. Ronglu died three days after the signing.

Chapter 130 Spread

The news that China and Japan had signed a protection agreement for Manchuria surprised Zhang Zhidong. However, due to Ronglu's serious illness, Empress Dowager Cixi summoned him to Beijing for questioning and appointed Duanfang to act as his deputy. At the same time, he had no choice but to relinquish his power as Governor-General of Liangjiang.

He also had no choice but to go to Beijing to be questioned by Empress Dowager Cixi. When he set off for Beijing, he summoned several confidants, including Tian Junyi, and said to them: "Lord Rong passed away yesterday. I will set off for Beijing tomorrow by land."

However, I probably won't be staying in Beijing. The Empress Dowager only sent me to balance the political situation after Rong Zhongtang, not to keep me in the central government. So, you can all stay here and do your jobs. If Duanfang has any issues, you can send me a telegram. For minor matters, Jie'an, Qulin, and Junyi, you three can discuss and decide. If you can't reach an agreement, then send me another telegram.”

The people in the hall had no objections to Zhang Zhidong's decision, but many were envious of Tian Junyi's rapid rise into the governor-general's decision-making circle. Zhang Zhidong ignored the thoughts of his confidants and then asked Liang Dingfen, Tao Senjia, and Tian Junyi, "What are your opinions on the Manchurian agreement signed between the court and Japan this time?"

Liang Dingfen felt the prospects were bleak because China did not have the strength to fight Russia. This protection agreement was actually intended for Japan to protect Manchuria. Regardless of who won in the end, Manchuria might not belong to China anymore.

Tao Senjia believes that compared with Japan, Russia's ambitions are far too great. If they are not contained, Xinjiang, Outer Mongolia, and even Inner Mongolia and the Northwest are in a precarious situation. Between two evils, choose the lesser. It is better to let Japan take Manchuria than to continue to tolerate Russia. At least Japan does not have the power to threaten other places.

Tian Junyi then said only to Zhang Zhidong: "In my opinion, after Your Excellency goes to the central government, you should promptly have the court formally transfer the construction rights of the Luhan Railway to Huguang and take back the Yuehan Railway. If the Belgians hadn't revealed this, we wouldn't have known that the Americans had sold the northern section of the Yuehan Railway to them."

The development of Huguang (Hubei and Hunan provinces) hinges on this north-south railway and the east-west Yangtze River. The faster this railway is built, the better Huguang will develop. Furthermore, if any unspeakable events occur in the future, the imperial court can travel directly south from Beijing by train, without having to linger in the north.

Of the three men's speeches, Zhang Zhidong was naturally more satisfied with Tian Junyi's. The other two men had no solutions other than pointing out a fact, but Tian Junyi at least gave him a suggestion: to accelerate the development of Hubei and Hunan, so that at least there would be a base to retreat to if war broke out.

After thinking for a moment, Zhang Zhidong said, "You can go ahead and do the work on the railway construction. If there are any problems, just blame it on me..."

The Russians were bewildered and furious about the signing of the Manchurian Protectorate Agreement between China and Japan. They felt they had already made concessions on the Luhan Railway and had shown a willingness to negotiate with the Chinese on the Manchurian issue, but these Chinese had actually signed such an agreement with the Japanese, which was clearly aimed at Russia.

The Russians were aware of Japan's ambitions regarding Manchuria, but neither the Russians nor the Russians believed that Japan would dare to wage war against Russia. This was especially true after the Chinese army's swift defeat during the Eight-Nation Alliance's invasion of China, which led to a general underestimation of the armies of Eastern countries by the Russians. Even those few who voiced concerns about Japan were mostly within the navy.

As early as December 1897, Nigel Miller, head of the research department of the Naval Headquarters, submitted a draft report to the Minister of the Navy, Tertov, which stated the necessity of expanding the Pacific Fleet, because Russia's 1895 naval development plan failed to take into account Japan's corresponding plans that exceeded expectations.

尼杰尔.米列尔指出,日本显然正在准备加入远东复杂的列强利益争斗,日本1896-1905年海军舰船建造计划的物资分配中1904-1905年所占的部分非常小,大部分都投向1896-1903年,这便意味着军舰建造计划的大部分任务将在1903年夏得以完成,而这明显是为了赶在俄国的西伯利亚大铁路竣工之前日本将能全副武装地面对与俄国在远东的利益纷争。

The prevailing view within the Russian government was that, given the seemingly illogical scenario of a Japanese invasion of the mainland, Tokyo would be content with a swift occupation of Korea, and Russia would reluctantly accept this turn of events.

In St. Petersburg, only Vice Admiral Makarov, commander of the Kronstadt island fortress, and General Sakharov, aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-Chief, speculated about the possibility of a Japanese surprise attack on the Russian Pacific Fleet and Port Arthur naval base.

Simply put, the Russian upper class generally believed that Japan's ambition was merely to compete with Russia for control of Korea, rather than to launch a major war against Russia. Although Russia had failed to retain its power in Korea, it could use the fact that Japan had created a fait accompli to preserve its special interests in Korea and leave a thorn in Russia's side for the next stage of expansion in the Far East.

Russia's entry into Manchuria was at the invitation of the Qing government, with the premise that China and Russia would jointly combat Japan's expansion on the mainland. Therefore, Russia didn't even consider what agreement China and Japan would reach, because China was a target for both Japan and Russia to divide; how could food and hunters team up against one hunter?

The signing of the Sino-Japanese Manchuria Agreement was nothing short of a resounding slap in the face to the Bezobrazov Group, which advocated a hardline stance on Manchuria. Russia suddenly found itself effectively isolated in Eastern affairs, as the Franco-Russian Agreement did not address Far Eastern issues, and the French refused to make any guarantees for Russia on this matter.

Finance Minister Witte attempted to return to a moderate stance on the Far East issue and ease relations with China and Japan. However, the Bezobrazov group could no longer make concessions on the Far East issue, as this would mean the loss of any political advantage they had previously gained over Witte. Furthermore, if Witte regained power, they would inevitably face his suppression.

To prevent his group from collapsing, Bezobrazov proposed a radical solution to the Far Eastern problem to Nicholas II: to first wage war against China. Bezobrazov cited a statement from a St. Petersburg newspaper: "...the Sino-Japanese alliance has already posed a threat of war to Russia. Russia has gained the right to act freely on the Far Eastern issue, and European countries can no longer obstruct Russia's actions."

Between China and Japan, China, though large, was weak. If it weren't for British interference, we could have resolved the Manchurian issue once and for all two years ago. Japan, though small, still had a naval fleet to protect its homeland. Therefore, the best way to deal with the Sino-Japanese alliance was to defeat China first.

Although the British obstruction would create diplomatic troubles in attacking Beijing via the railways inside and outside the Great Wall, China and Russia share a long land border. We could build a railway from Lake Baikal through Outer Mongolia to Beijing, thus avoiding diplomatic disputes with Britain and making Outer and Inner Mongolia completely Russian territory.

Shanxi Province in China has always been known for its abundant coal reserves. If we could control Shanxi, we could establish a steel production base there, forming the heart of the Russian Empire. North China has a dense population, which could be used to develop Manchuria. Once Manchuria is developed, Japan would no longer have the possibility of invading it…”

Nicholas II was quite supportive of the suggestion, and given his long-standing weariness of Witte, the old minister left to him by his father, he still expressed his support for the Bezobrazov group's new Far East policy. Of course, this policy would not be implemented immediately, as Russia's attention remained focused on Europe.

At the same time that China and Japan signed the Manchuria Agreement, France and Britain also signed a Treaty of Faith in London. The main content of this treaty was mutual understanding between Britain and France on the issues of Egypt and Morocco. France made significant concessions, resolved the conflict between Britain and France over the division of North African colonies, and recognized British control over the Strait of Gibraltar.

This agreement is good news for Russia, as it means that Germany would be isolated should it launch a war. The Triple Alliance is aimed at an attack by the Franco-Russian alliance, not against the Franco-Russian alliance itself. While Britain's current power is questionable, no one can deny that its participation in any European alliance would guarantee victory, given its status as a global superpower.

Wilhelm II's first reaction to the Anglo-French agreement was anger, believing that Britain had betrayed Germany's friendship and that the French had once again deceived him. The French also felt deeply aggrieved; had the Germans not been so aggressive, they wouldn't have made such significant concessions on the North African issue. However, for the French, Alsace and Lorraine ultimately took precedence over Egypt; this was not merely a security issue, but also a matter of national sentiment.

The French initially attempted to ease Franco-German tensions by ceasing to raise the issue of Alsace-Lorraine's ownership, but the Germans insisted that the French issue a public statement relinquishing Alsace-Lorraine, something the French government clearly could not do. Rather than publicly relinquishing Alsace-Lorraine, the French preferred to publicly announce their abandonment of Egypt.

Overnight, the Germans found themselves falling from a relatively favorable diplomatic environment in Europe to a diplomatic predicament beset by Russia. Calls for an immediate war against France began to fade, and with the possibility of a British-French-Russian alliance, German victory seemed impossible. Furthermore, the exchange of Libyan interests between Italy and France eased tensions between the two countries, raising questions about whether Italy would side with Germany.

As for Austria-Hungary, their advice to Berlin was that Russia should not be drawn back to Europe, but should be allowed to continue its expansion in the Far East, thus becoming bogged down in the Far East.

Austria-Hungary's stance further eroded Germany's confidence in launching a war. German public opinion began to shift, believing that France should compensate Germany for the Moroccan issue to resolve the Franco-German dispute.

Chapter 131 A Study of the Boer War

The signing of the Sino-Japanese Manchuria Agreement also impacted the people and political circles of both China and Japan. The general perception among the Chinese public was that a Sino-Japanese alliance could prevent Russia from occupying Manchuria, while the Japanese public held a view of East Asian unity and Pan-Asianism.

Atsumaro Konoe, the Speaker of the House of Peers, became active in politics. After the First Sino-Japanese War, he publicly advocated that "the Sino-Japanese War was actually the Austro-Prussian War in East Asia, and Japan should unite with China to fight against Europe and preserve East Asia."

This advocate of the East Asian preservation theory began to reap political benefits with the signing of the Sino-Japanese Manchuria Agreement. Many Japanese newspapers believed that the best candidate to succeed Itō in forming a cabinet was none other than the Duke of Konoe.

This trend naturally reached Etajima, and in fact, at the Naval Landing School in Koyama, the Chinese students generally agreed with the Sino-Japanese Manchurian Agreement, seeing it as the beginning of East Asian unity. However, amidst the optimism of these Chinese students, Hayashi Shin-yi, who was participating in the naval seminar of the Naval Landing School, poured cold water on their enthusiasm.

He openly addressed the Chinese participants at the seminar, saying, "If you regard this agreement as a guarantee of China's security, then I must remind you that you are far too naive. There are agreements between wolves, but no agreements between wolves and sheep; if there are, they are nothing but lies. More than 60 years have passed since the Opium War to the Northern Qing Incident, haven't you understood this principle yet?"

The Japanese, Chinese, and Korean naval cadets present were shocked by Lin Xinyi's sharp criticism, as it was not something a Japanese naval cadet should say. The Chinese and Japanese cadets remained silent for a moment, but a Korean cadet seized the opportunity to ask, "So, Senior Lin believes that the Sino-Japanese Manchuria Agreement was a deception?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at the person who spoke. It was An Minggen who spoke. His cousin, An Zhonggen, who was sitting next to him, was a historical figure. He only learned that An was a supporter of the Enlightenment Party when the other party applied to join the naval seminar. The Enlightenment Party was the same party that Yuan Shikai suppressed. Because of the Yiwei Incident and the relocation of the Russian legation, the Enlightenment Party suffered a major blow, and An went into seclusion in the countryside.

This time, the Navy's establishment of the Marine Corps School did receive some support from the Enlightenment Party, and the Ahn Jung-geun brothers were recommended for enrollment under this background. Of course, their political views at this time still belonged to the Enlightenment Party's ideology, which was to be close to Japanese reform and oppose the former colonial power and Russia.

The Sino-Japanese Manchuria Agreement was a major blow to these pro-Japanese Koreans. They had originally thought that Japan was a savior helping Korea against China and Russia, but Korea's place was not mentioned in the agreement. This made some Koreans begin to doubt whether Japan wanted to help Korea civilize or wanted to swallow Korea whole.

Lin Xinyi glanced at An Minggen and his cousin before looking away, and said calmly, "Palmstone once said: We have no permanent allies, nor permanent enemies. Our interests are eternal, and our responsibility is to pursue those interests."

Bismarck also said: "The state is a ship sailing on the river of time; politics is the art of possibility." If you forget these words and treat allies as friends, then I believe you will never leave infancy.

On the one hand, they seek truth from the West, and on the other hand, they try to bind others with Eastern moral concepts. Then I can only say that it is clearly far more fortunate to be your enemy than your friend.

The classroom fell silent; for a moment, the forty or fifty students lost all interest in speaking. The Japanese students were unsure how to evaluate Lin Xinyi's remarks, while the Korean and Chinese students felt that what Lin Xinyi said was actually more honest than the Sino-Japanese cooperation rhetoric touted in the newspapers. After a long silence, Deng Yulin changed the subject, saying, "Wasn't today's meeting with Senior Lin to discuss the victory and defeat of the Boer War? Shall we begin?"

Lin Xinyi nodded to him, indicating that the meeting could begin. Because of this interlude, the students who were supposed to present their research earlier were somewhat lacking in enthusiasm. After listening to their presentations, Lin Xinyi couldn't help but call a halt. He addressed the members, saying, "If you approach the Boer War with a purely military perspective, focusing your energy on things like night raids and commerce raiding, then I think your research on this war is far too superficial."

Deng Yulin was now intrigued. For the members of the Workers' Party, the Sino-Japanese alliance was certainly a good thing, but they would not place their hopes of overthrowing the Qing government on Japan. Therefore, they quickly digested Lin Xinyi's words. Those who were truly indignant were the Chinese and Korean students who had hoped that Japan would save East Asia, because Lin Xinyi's words had shattered their dreams.

Therefore, Deng Yulin quickly focused his attention on Lin Xinyi's views on the Boer War. In his opinion, the Boer War represented a way for a weak country to fight against a strong country, which was obviously the most suitable tactic for China, after all, China was an absolute weaker party in the recent Eight-Nation Alliance invasion of China.

Lin Xinyi stood up and walked to the podium. After writing a few words on the blackboard, he turned around and said to the members, "Regarding the Boer War, I think we should first analyze it from a political perspective. What were the reasons for its victory? What were the reasons for its defeat?"

Deng Yulin responded enthusiastically: "The reason for the victory was that Britain's powerful national strength completely suppressed the Boers. As for the defeat, does Senior Lin mean that the price of British submission in this war was too high?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at him and said, "A very good point, but the perspective I'm referring to isn't British, but rather Boer. Based on Mr. DeWitt's lectures over the past few months, we can understand that the concentration camp tactics employed by the British were not the fundamental cause of the Boers' defeat, but rather accelerated it."

The fundamental reason for the Boers' defeat was that the British mobilized the local indigenous population to abandon them. With the support of these indigenous people, the British could easily locate Boer villages and women and children, and then imprison them in concentration camps.

The Boer War was not actually a war between the British and the Boers; it was a war between four parties: the British colonialists, the colonial army, the Boers, and the indigenous people. Although there were four participants in this war, most people overlook the performance and role of the colonial army and the indigenous people in this war.

If you don't pay attention to their performance, then I can draw a conclusion for you. When you are in the Boer's situation, you will never be able to wage a Boer war, let alone defeat your opponent.

Lin Xinyi's words finally captured the members' attention, and they began to take an interest in the research direction he had pointed out. However, Lin Xinyi did not continue the discussion on this issue, but instead changed the subject, saying, "Even if we study this war from a military perspective, focusing on the application of tactics is putting the cart before the horse."

Lin Xinyi's words finally provoked disagreement from several members, who stood up and asked, "If marine cadets don't study marine warfare tactics, then what should they study?" Clearly, these cadets thought Lin Xinyi's words were a bit excessive. Although he was a senior member of the naval seminar, how could a naval cadet instruct them on marine warfare?

After listening to their opinions, Lin Xinyi calmly said, "I believe the so-called Boer tactics are a civilian armed tactic that integrates military force with civilians. So what is the primary objective of this tactic? Is it to eliminate the enemy?"

No, it should be "defend our homeland." Only under the banner of defending their homeland can civilians, armed with meager weapons, fight to the death against an enemy armed to the teeth. Otherwise, they would never be able to take up arms for a battle they are certain to fight to the death.

Therefore, the fundamental point of studying the Boer War should be focused on how to lead a group of civilians to defend their homeland and prevent the enemy from acquiring local resources. So-called colonizers are all invaders who have traveled great distances; they may bring troops and supplies, but their purpose is to acquire the land's resources, not to exterminate its inhabitants.

The Boers' initial victories stemmed from their adherence to this principle: organizing all the Boers and cutting off British supplies from the region. To defend their own logistics, the British were forced to increase their troop strength, which in turn created more logistical problems. This was the root cause of Britain's predicament in the Boer War.

If every conquest of a colony had turned into a Boer War, the British Empire would have been crippled by military expenditures. Therefore, for the colonists, the purpose of studying the Boer Wars was to prevent the invaders from extracting resources from their land; simply put, to make it unprofitable for the colonists.

Only under such circumstances would colonizers have the possibility of abandoning colonization…

The Japanese trainees frowned, finding the remarks rather anti-Japanese. The Chinese and North Korean trainees, however, showed genuine interest and sought further clarification from Lin Xinyi regarding the key points of this civilian tactic.

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "The most important thing is to organize the people. If you don't organize the people, you won't be able to control the outflow of local resources and the betrayal of some people. The villages that the Boers have set up throughout the country are such an organization."

Secondly, political mobilization was crucial. The Boers' failure lay in their refusal to abandon their racist beliefs, consistently treating the indigenous people as inferiors, even animals. Under such a mindset, the indigenous people naturally sided with the British, because they weren't even considered human by the Boers. With these indigenous people guiding the British, the Boers' geographical and popular advantages vanished.

Finally, there was the implementation of military equipment and training. The Boers were able to fight the British for so long because almost every Boer had received basic military training and had shooting experience. With organizational and political guarantees, this fighting power could create a great deterrent effect on invaders…

Chapter 132 Argument

As Lin Xinyi left Gushan School to return to Etajima, several Japanese students followed him. Kishida Gentaro, who was leading the group, questioned him on behalf of the group: "Senior, weren't your remarks just now fueling anti-Japanese sentiment among Chinese and Koreans? I think such remarks are inappropriate, and we hope that you will be more careful with your words in the future."

Inoue Tsuyomatsu, who was standing with Lin Xinyi, was also full of doubts about Lin Xinyi's remarks today. However, in the face of the provocation from these juniors, he stood up to defend Lin Xinyi first. However, Lin Xinyi reached out to stop him, glanced at the group, and then asked in return, "What if I continue to be careless? What do you plan to do?"

Kishida Gentaro and his group had only followed along out of a sense of dissatisfaction, along with a few classmates. However, Lin Xinyi was, after all, a senior, and even disregarding other relationships, that alone was enough to make things difficult for them. Seeing Inoue staring at them with wide eyes next to Lin Xinyi, the group behind Kishida immediately hesitated.

The Naval Landing School was naturally a step below the Naval Academy. Most of the Japanese who joined the Naval Landing School were students who hadn't been admitted to the Naval Academy. Although they were young, they understood one thing: if they clashed with their seniors from the Naval Academy, they would definitely be the ones who suffered. This was because the Naval Landing School trained marines to assist the Navy, and if they clashed with these future naval officers, who would be on their side?

Under the watchful eyes of Lin Xinyi and Inoue, Kishida Gentaro forced himself to question Lin Xinyi: "Was it correct for you to explain the Sino-Japanese Manchurian Agreement to those Chinese and Korean students in this way? Isn't this questioning Japan's intentions?"

Lin Xinyi laughed and said, "A nation isn't a person, so there's no such thing as 'having a heart.' The direction of a nation is determined by the combined efforts of the various social strata within the country after a struggle for their interests. So, speaking on the side of the nation is actually just obeying the will of those in power. If those in power say today that Japan and China are friendly, we should support it; if they say tomorrow that China is our enemy, we should still support it. But what does that have to do with me?"

I am neither in power nor a beneficiary of the system under their protection, so why should I unconditionally obey them? Just like now, you are unwilling to obey me either. According to your theory, wouldn't you be considered an opponent of the naval seminar?

The men behind Kishida Gentaro immediately took a step back. Those who joined the Naval Symposium were true naval insiders; that was their thinking. Those without family connections had no choice but to rely on the Naval Symposium to find a path to advancement, and naturally, they didn't want to be opponents of it.

Kishida Gentaro felt extremely aggrieved. He wanted to recklessly withdraw from the naval seminar, but that would offend the entire seminar, and even though his uncle was a captain in the navy, he would still have no chance of advancement. His uncle had put him in this school because he was considered slow-witted and couldn't pass the military academy entrance exam. Was he really going to ruin his future for a bit of pride?

Seeing Kishida and the others fall silent, Lin Xinyi finally spoke up: "Although you are marine cadets, you can't use the army's mindset to consider the navy's interests. For the navy, the marine corps is a branch of service that is both necessary and unavoidable. Why?"

Kishida Gentaro nodded instinctively and asked, "Please enlighten me, senior."

Seeing that Kishida was able to accept the ladder he had offered, Lin Xinyi's tone softened as he said, "Because the navy needs ports and resources, but cannot spend a lot of resources on land forces. Therefore, the main task of the Marine Corps is to coordinate and cooperate with the people of various countries and maintain the security of the navy's overseas bases."

If the army's thinking were to allow the establishment of naval bases on a country's coastline without conquering it, then we probably wouldn't even be able to leave East Asia. The navy would become merely a tool of the army, a means to maintain its sea lanes. If that were the case, then the Marine Corps School could be abolished, because the army would already handle all land-based affairs; what would we need them for?